選舉平等對立法委員選區劃分的要求—以德國法制為中心

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選舉平等對立法委員選區劃分的要求—以德國法制為中心

The Requirements of Equal Protection for Legislators’ Electoral Districting—Focus on German Legal Scheme

羅天綱 , Masters　　Advisor：郭介恆　　

繁體中文

民主原則；特殊平等權；選舉平等；立法委員選區劃分；單一選區；基本權客觀功能；組織與程序保障；獨立機關； democracy ； legitimization ； electoral district ； equity

Abstract │ Reference (144) │ Times Cited (1) │ Altmetrics

Abstract 〈TOP〉

民主原則意指，國家權力的行使必須源自於國民（不中斷的民主正當化連結）；並且對國民負責。代議民主體制提供了能夠監督、控制中央權力的機制。更重要得是，在議會民主體制下，作為國民代表機關的國會是各種民主正當化連結內必要的一部份；國會雖然非直接作為此項正當化的提供者，而是參與絕大多數賦予正當化的過程，成為正當化的中間媒介。國會議員的選舉係達成各種民主正當化手段的核心程序，由選舉程序產生了擁有政治決定權限的重要組織與國民代表。

因為與民主原則的緊密關連，選舉法制的立法者決不能夠偏袒任何一方。具備防禦權功能的選舉平等要求，每個公民應該且能夠盡可能以形式化平等的方式行使其選舉權；每一個選民享有相同的選票數目（計算價值的平等）以及，每張有效選票於轉換為國會席次的分配時，能夠被顧慮到，亦即每張選票對於國會席次的分配具有相同的影響力，（結果價值的平等）。在特定選舉制度下，多數選舉制的情形至少要求的是平等的計算價值，相同大小的選區通常即代表個別選票的影響力相同；在比例選舉制不僅是計算價值的平等，更追求平等的結果價值。立法者必須出於一個特殊的、正當的、實質合法的、急迫的理由，始得突破平等的基本原則。

基本權的組織與程序功能面向可能會在所有的基本權類型中出現。各種差別待遇禁止類型的平等權客觀法規範作用意義至今是被忽略的；其顯示出的承載能力，不亞於其他基本權規定透過基本原則附加作用而衍生的加強保障。禁止差別待遇的目的在於：每一個體享有平等的自由發展其人格的機會，同時爭取達到一個實質的機會平等；所有差別待遇禁止規定的客觀法規範作用也以不同型態的義務達成上述的目標。如是，選舉平等同樣具有組織與程序功能面向的規範要求。

因為直接影響憲法選舉平等，依據重要性理論，憲法增修條文第四條第二項單一選區的設計，首先應納入國會保留的範疇。其次，參政權為制度性保障的基本權，其內涵必須仰賴立法者加以形塑。

其次，對於選區劃分制度法律性質的修正方向：一定範圍內回歸代表多元政治立場與公開、透明的立法過程之中。外觀上得將選區劃分結果作為公職人員選舉劃分法的「附表」，附錄於該法律之末，成為該法律的一部分。惟立法院僅得全案同意或否決的決議，不得以個別行政區域為單位同意或否決。此外，中央選舉委員會應提出數個不同選區調整方案，讓立法院有更多的選擇可能性，以決定如何重劃選區。

再者，對於選區劃分提案機關與提案程序的修正方向：就組成而言，中央選舉委員會委員應具備法政、統計、傳播等專長；任期制以及連任次數的限制屬於確保獨立性的必要手段，交錯任期亦有助於辦理選舉事務的經驗傳承；政黨所推薦的人選或具有黨籍的成員必須不超過一定成數。就程序而言，中央選舉委員會擬具立法委員選舉區劃分建議案前，得進行正式或非正式的聽證程序，藉此落實嚴格的、選舉平等的權利保障。如是，地方選舉委員會研擬與中央選舉委員會擬具的階段若透過進行聽證程序確定之事實，應賦予拘束劃分草案與劃分建議案的效力。

最後，對於選區劃分標準與劃分結果的修正方向：考量交通狀況、歷史淵源此等因素能發揮的作用甚為有限。在合乎選舉平等的框架中，應以法律設定某程度行政區域內人口分布的偏差容許門檻，以利較長期、具彈性的選區劃分。法院固應對牽涉民主體制維繫的選舉平等案件提高審查密度，亦即從嚴審查而已，非謂轉化為數學上相等的命令，而無從正當化可能的差別待遇。參酌德國的作法，我國各地方選舉委員會可於每屆立法委員就任後15個月內，主動向中央選舉委員會提出選區劃分檢討報告，彙整後將此報告提交立法院。至於重劃的偏差門檻，可仿效德國聯邦選舉法區分建議重劃的門檻與應予重劃的門檻：當各選區人口數差距上下超過百分之十五時，得建議重劃選舉區；一旦差距超過百分之二十五時，即應進行重劃。

Parallel Abstract 〈TOP〉

The principle of democracy denotes that people are the origin of state right in action (uninterrupted linkage to legitimization of democracy) and that the state shall be accountable to the people in exercising such right. The system of constituency democracy provides the mechanism for the monitoring and control over centralization of power. The more important thing is that, under parliamentary democracy, the parliament, which represents all people, is a vital part for the linkage of different forms of democracy legitimization. Although the parliament is not the provider of such democracy legitimization, it is the process in which the majority of democracy legitimization take place and hence the intermediary of legitimization. The election of parliamentary members is the core procedure for achieving different forms of democracy legitimization through which the organization and representation of the people for political decision-making is realized.
    Given its close association with the principle of democracy, the legislators shall not incline to any side of the system. The quest for just and fair election features the right of defense. Therefore, each citizen shall exercise his/her right for election in the form of fairness and justice as far as possible. Each voter is entitled to the same number of votes (the equity of value) and each valid ballot is considered when converting into the allocation of parliamentary seats. In other words, each ballot has the same effect on the allocation of parliamentary seats (the equity of value in the result). Under the special electoral system, most elections shall be equal in computing its value. Electoral districts of more or less the same size generally represent the same effect of the ballots. Under the proportional electoral system, the computation of value shall be equal. So is the value of the result. Legislators shall have special, legitimate, lawful, and pressing reason in order to breakthrough the basic principle of equity.
    The organization and process function of basic right may exist in all forms of basic rights. However, the objective meaning of the prohibition of preferential treatment under equity as a form of regulatory function is still being omitted. The capacity of such right is not second to the reinforced protection deriving from the other forms of basic right and its added function. The purpose of prohibiting preferential treatment is: each individual is entitled the opportunity for equal and free development of personality and at the same time to achieve actual equality to opportunity. The objective meaning of the prohibition of preferential treatment could help to achieve the aforementioned purpose in different forms. As such, equity in election features the regulatory requirement in organization and process function.
    The first priority of the amendment to Article 4-2 of the Constitution of the Republic of China is the incorporation of the reservation of the parliament due to its direct influence on equity of election under the constitution and its theoretical importance. Secondly, the right to participation in politics is a system for the protection of basic right and relies on the legislators to carve out into proper shape.
    Secondly, it is the direction for the amendment to the legality of the classification of electoral districts: back to the legislative process of transparency under majority and plurality constituency. Apparently, the result of the delimitation of electoral districts as an “attachment” to the classification of elected officials to the end of law but still constitute an integral part of law. At this point, the Legislative Yuan may only resolve in favor or veto the entire motion and cannot resolve in favor or veto individual electoral district or in part of the motion.
    Further, the Central Election Committee shall propose different options for the adjustment of electoral districts so that the Legislative Yuan may have more feasible choices for making decision in the selection of electoral district.
The direction for the amendment to the proposing bodies of the delimitation of electoral districts and the procedure of proposal of motions: organizationally, the Central Election Committee shall be specialized in law and administration, statistics, and mass communications. The limitation of the terms of the members and the number of repeated office shall be taken as necessary means for maintaining the independence of the committee. Intertwine terms of the members help to share the experience in handling electoral affairs among the members. The members nominated by political parties or members have specific political affiliation shall be limited to certain percentage. As for procedure, the Central Election Committee shall hold formal or informal hearing procedure before the members of the Legislative Yuan prepare the motion for the delimitation of electoral districts for proper protection of equity right in election. As such, Local Election Committee and the Central Election Committee shall map out different stages in the procedure for institutionalizing the procedure of hearing and shall be entitled the right for the regulation of drafting the bill and presenting recommendation.
    Finally, it is the amendment to the standards for classifying electoral district and the results: the consideration of only traffic conditions, history and related factors are not effective enough. Within the framework of equity in election, the size of population in each electoral district shall be considered for long-term and flexible delimitation of electoral district through proper legislation. The court shall increase its frequency in reviewing equity in election as a measure of check and balance in democratic system. It is a matter of strict review but not equivalent to an order mathematically speaking and makes preferential treatment impossible. We may learn from the experience in Germany. The Local Election Committee of our country may take positive action to report to the Central Election Committee within 15 months after the assumption of office by each term of Legislative Council on reviewing the delimitation of electoral districts. We could learn from Germany in their delimitation of electoral district in federal election for setting the standards for the re-delimitation of electoral districts: if the variation of specific electoral district exceeds 15%, propose to re-delimit the electoral districts. If such variation exceeds 25%, take immediate action to re-delimit the electoral districts.

Reference ( 144 ) 〈TOP〉

許宗力，行政命令授權明確性問題之研究，收錄於氏著，法與國家權力（一），民國95年8月二版，頁215-267。
連結：
黃偉峰，從比較的觀點論英國選區規劃委員會，國民大會憲政改革委員會常務委員會委託專題研究報告，第五輯，民國86年，頁87-105。
連結：
李惠宗，論國軍老舊眷村改建條例的多重不平等─從體系正義的觀點評大法官議決釋字第四八五號解釋，台灣本土法學，第4期，民國88年10月，頁73-86。
連結：
李惠宗，國家通訊傳播委員會組織法違憲性的探討—司法院大法官釋字第六一三號解釋評釋—，台灣本土法學，第86期，民國95年9月，頁58-78。
連結：
林明鏘，正當性與相當性原則下之國家通訊傳播委員會組織法—評大法官釋字第六一三號解釋—，台灣本土法學，第86期，民國95年9月，頁79-83。
連結：

Times Cited (1) 〈TOP〉

江嘉偉(2012)。社會契約論的實踐與維護-以我國三權民主正當性控制及抵抗權為中心。臺北大學法律學系學位論文。2012。1-162。

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