陳水扁政府與馬英九政府的外交政策之比較：國際關係理論建構主義的觀點

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陳水扁政府與馬英九政府的外交政策之比較：國際關係理論建構主義的觀點

Comparison On Taiwan's Foreign Policy Under Chen Shui-Bian And Ma Ying-Jeou's tenure: A Contructivist IR-Theory's Perspective

簡御群 , Masters　　Advisor：陳亮智　　

繁體中文

外交政策；陳水扁；馬英九；建構主義； Foreign policy ； Chen Shui-Bian ； Ma Ying-Jeou ； Constructivism

Abstract │ Reference (164) │ Times Cited (3) │ Altmetrics

Abstract 〈TOP〉

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This thesis compares taiwan's foreign policy under Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou's tenure. There are huge difference between Chen and Ma's foreign policy, espeically the policy of participating United Nations. Amid the change of taiwan's foreign policy, there is no systematic transformation in internaitonal structure. So do China and United States' Taiwan policy. The internaitonal contraints which Chen and Ma faced was not as different as their idea. They had very different reaction towards merely same international constraints. which I propose that the two leader's different idea is the primary factor which lead to their their different participating policy. 
  In this thesis, I cite Alexander E. Wendt's approach over the issue of agent-structure to explicate leaders' idea can be a cardinal factor that cause the shifting of policy. However, I do not pretend to resolve the issue of agent-structure nither explore the relation bewteen agent and structure. The main focus of this thesis is the case study on Taiwna's foreign policy.
  While comparing the two adiministration's idea, I cite Andrew D. Marble's idea typology which was modified from Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane's idea typology to sort ideas into three categories: 1. Principled beliefs; 2. Beliefs about cuase effect relaitonship; 3. Odering principles.
  To sum up, the biggest difference between Chen and Ma is their beliefs about cause effect relationship. Chen believes that only if taiwan actively pursue its rights as a citizen in internaitonal society can taiwan get rid of the diplomatic isolation imposed by China. To the opposite, Ma make it the first priority to stablize the relation with China. He beleves that if there is no renovation of relaitnship with China, there will be no chance of preventing Taiwan from isolation and widening international space. Though Chen and Ma made quite different policy choice, both of them did not place Taiwan in the worst scenarios of losing sovereignty or risk of war, for which conflict has been common between states over disputes of sovereighty. In addition, it appears that not only there has been no armed conlifct in the cross-strait for decades, but also the intensities of economic, cultural exchange and interaction of people in cross-strait has been strenthened these years. The evidence show that we may draw lessons from the two leader's different strategies, for both did not draw Taiwan into the worst scenarios.

Reference ( 164 ) 〈TOP〉

吳玉山，「抗衡或扈從：面對強鄰時的策略抉擇〈上〉」，問題與研究，第36卷第2期（1997年2月），頁1-32。
連結：
吳玉山，「抗衡或扈從：面對強鄰時的策略抉擇〈下〉」，問題與研究，第36卷第3期（1997年3月），頁61-80。
連結：
李明，「新政府的外交政策動向與挑戰」，遠景季刊，第1卷第2期（2000年4月），頁173-201。
連結：
林碧炤，「台灣的非傳統外交」，戰略安全研析，第10期（2006年2月），頁7-15。
連結：
紀舜傑，「多層次因果分析論馬英九的外交思維」，台灣國際研究季刊，第6卷第2期（2010年夏季號），頁147-163。
連結：

Times Cited (3) 〈TOP〉

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