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介音對漢語聲母系統的影響

Medials and the Evolution of the Initial System in Chinese

摘要


本文從音韻結構談介音對漢語聲母系統的影響,也說明條件音變具有時間性與地域性。漢語聲母從古至今的變化,多與介音的作用有關,呈現分化、合流或回流的變化模式,且常牽涉三等韻。學者一般以爲三等韻有一個細音的介音,惟現代閩方言的白讀層,三等字卻有不具介音的讀法,其聲母只出現在雙唇、舌尖、舌根部位,未進行和三等韻、介音有關的輕唇與重唇、舌頭與舌上、齒頭與正齒、舌根與舌面的分化。對於探究漢語聲母與介音、等第的關係,閩方言所透露的訊息,無疑具有極高的參考價值。漢語方言不同的音韻演變類型,反映漢語自古以來在廣大的地區並非單一的音系,其各自演變的規律、方向、快慢的不同,有力地說明此一真實情況。條件音變的釐清、歷史文獻的相互印證,將有助於漢語方言史與漢語音韻史的分期研究。

關鍵字

漢語聲母系統 介音 等第 音變 漢語方言

並列摘要


In this study I argue for the special status of Division 3 (san deng) syllables in the historical rime system in Chinese, and show that it provides a strong piece of evidence for a non-uniform treatment for the phonological systems in the development from ancient to modern Chinese. There are several special features with Division 3 in the traditional rime dictionaries. First, Division 3 contains the largest number of syllables, far exceeding the other three Divisions. Second, syllables with the initials fei, fu, fong, wei, xie, zhang, chang, chuan, hu,, shan, ri, yun, yi, qun, which have been subject to intensive discussions in earlier researches, only occur in Division 3 but not in the other three Divisions. In view of these special features, scholars are typically obliged to pay special attention when dealing with syllables classified to Division 3 and locate them in the rime table. The traditional view on the Division 3 finals is that they should have contained a medial in their original syllable structure in Medieval Chinese. This view, however, is challenged by data from the Min dialects. For one thing, syllables from the vernacular layer in the Min dialects falling into Division 3 typically don't have a medial in their syllable structure. Furthermore, compared to Mandarin, there are much fewer distinctions in the position of articulation for the initials in the vernacular layer of the Min dialects. In Mandarin, the initials in the Division 3 syllables have evolved into a complex system with multiple distinctions, e.g. labio-dentals vs. bilabials, dentals vs. retroflex, and velars vs. palatals. Intriguingly, however, in the vernacular layer of the Min dialects there only exist three positions of articulation--bilabial, dental, and velar. There is no labiodentals or retroflexes in the Min dialects, and velars did not evolved into palatals in the history of the Min dialects. All this casts doubt on a uniform treatment of the Division 3 syllables with a medial in the development of the Division 3 syllables from Medieval Chinese to modern Chinese dialects. It is know to scholars that the initial system in Chinese has undergone great changes in history. Most of the changes have a close bearing on the functions of the medials, which give rise to discrepancies in different historical stages of Chinese as well as diversity in Chinese dialects. Various types of changes are attested, including emergence of new distinctions, merger of existing distinctions, and regression back to earlier distinctions. This study claims that, the different patterns of change in Chinese dialects, as evidenced by the Division 3 syllables in Mandarin and in the Min dialects, indicate that, in history, there should have been multiple phonological systems at work which brought about such diverse patterns of phonological changes in different Chinese dialects. We suggest that it is erroneous to conceive all the changes as occurring in a single and unitary phonological system. If this claim is correct, it follows as a natural consequence that different dialects exhibit different speeds, directions, and patterns of phonological changes. In this regard, phenomena from the Min dialects appear to be of high value in providing insights into the evolution of the initials, the medials, and their interactions in different rime Divisions. This study will focus on the related questions, in particular on the impact of the medials upon the initial system of Chinese. We will locate the linguistic contexts in which different changes (emergence, merger, and regression) occur and clarify the relationship between the initial and the medial in them. The conclusion will be highly beneficial to the understanding of the history of Chinese dialects and the historical phonology of Chinese in general.

被引用紀錄


張淑萍(2008)。漢語方言顎化現象研究〔博士論文,國立臺灣師範大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0021-0804200910233508

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