馬來(西)亞董教總與華文教育發展之研究（1951-2000）

19世紀以來英國在馬來半島的殖民事業有賴華人大量移墾，1860年《中英北京條約》正式允許華工合法出洋，更促使華人大量移入馬來亞地區。在華人聚落和社群形成的同時，馬來亞地區的華文教育也開始發展。英殖民政府對於華文學校採取自由放任的態度，及至第一次世界大戰中國的海外民族主義興起，英殖民政府為防範境內華人的反帝國主義運動，遂於1920年代開始管制馬來亞地區的華校。二次大戰期間新馬地區陷落，華人慘遭日軍屠戮，華校亦遭受嚴重破壞。戰後英殖民地政府在防共的考量下，華校遭到嚴密的監控與限制，加上二戰以後去殖民化風潮的影響，英殖民政府刻意發展英文教育與馬來文教育，欲將華文教育排除於政府教育體系之外。及至馬來亞自治時期，以巫統為主的聯盟政府開始制定一連串教育政策以維護馬來文教育並排擠華文教育，迨馬來西亞聯合邦正式獨立，聯盟政府對於華校的挾制更是步步進逼。華校面對如此險惡局勢，馬來亞華校教師會總會、馬來亞華校董事聯合會總會兩大組織分別成立，為學校的生存空間和發展權利請命。及至馬華公會糾集教總和董總，共同組成華文教育三大機構，一起在華文教育與公民權等議題為華社發聲和爭取。早期三大機構密切合作，成功化解諸多華教危機。但是歷經馬華公會嚴重內鬥，以及巫統掌控聯盟政府並且對於馬華公會的挾制，造成三大機構的分裂，1960年代華文教育面臨前所未有的嚴峻挑戰。華文小學被納入國家教育體系，華文中學被迫改制，不願改制者成為體制外的獨立中學。加上新加坡獨立以後，南洋大學已成為外國大學，馬來西亞境內缺乏華文高等教育機構可供華文中學畢業生繼續升學，於是1968年的獨立大學創設運動以及1973年代的獨立中學復興運動成為遍及於馬來西亞華社的社會運動。1982年獨大訴訟案雖然敗訴，但是其所蘊積的能量仍然大有可為。歷經1970年代的新經濟政策與國家文化政策，華社苦無管道可以改變華教困境。1980年代董教總人士提倡「三結合」的政治概念，鼓勵華教人士參政以伺機為華教出力，但成果不彰。1990年代董教總人士選擇加入反對黨直接參選，意圖形成「兩線政治」，進入國會為華教發聲。事實證明華教人士參政的效果不彰，並且引發爭議。董教總重申「超越政黨，不超越政治」的原則，繼續扮演民間教育社團與民權組織的角色，秉持「維護華校，發揚獨中，創建華文大學」的理念為馬來西亞的華文教育奮鬥。隨著中國政經實力的崛起以及華文實用價值高漲，馬來西亞政府對於華語文的態度有所改變，尤其1997年由董教總創立的「新紀元學院」的成立，證明董教總多年以來奮鬥的方向是正確的。長遠觀之，馬來西亞的華文教育仍有生存和發展的空間，但是董教總仍須提防政府的壓制。

關鍵字

馬來西亞華文教育；董教總；獨立中學；獨立大學

並列摘要

This dissertation is aimed to investigate the establishment, the development, and the evolution of Dongjiaozong, as well as its role and contribution in Chinese education. Dongjiaozong consists of United Chinese School Teachers’ Association of Malay(si)a (UCSTAM, aka Jiaozong教總) and United Chinese School Committees Association of Malay(si)a (UCSCAM, aka Dongzong 董總). Jiaozong, Dongzong and Malay(si)an Chinese Association (MCA) are referred to as “The Three Organizations.” The collaboration, split, and confrontation among the Three Organizations greatly impact the development of Chinese education. Initially, the Three Organizations closely cooperated and were viewed as the safeguard of Chinese community until MCA experienced its split in political route and yielded to the UMNO dominated Alliance. Without political asset and access, Dongjiaozong and Chinese education faced unprecedented challenges in the 60s. While Chinese primary schools were officially recognized and subsidized, many Chinese secondary schools were compelled to be excluded from the national education system and turned into independent schools owning to defying Malay or English stream. The enrollment and the quantity of Chinese independent secondary schools (CIS) gradually declined when the 9-year compulsory national education policy was implemented, which left fewer students for CIS. Moreover, the breakaway of Singapore made Nanyang University, the only Chinese university in Southeast Asia region and tertiary education option, a foreign school. Limited advanced study access for CIS graduates also put a huge blow in the CIS enrollment. Dongjiaozong once again stood at the frontline. Firstly, it filed an application to establish Merdeka University, a Chinese medium university intended to substitute for Nanyang University, in the late 60s and organized the CIS revival movement, which reformed CIS for quality education to compete with national schools. Dongjiaozong played an extremely crucial and pivotal role in these two movements, which eventually led Chinese education away from the crisis of extinction. Despite the fact that Dongjiaozong’s defense for Chinese education earned its role as an opinion leader in the Chinese community in public spheres, this status did not effectively turn into sufficient political support when Chinese educationalists tended to have their own voice heard in the parliament in the 80s. It was not only ineffective but controversial when selected members of Donjiaozong planned to earn a seat through joining the political opposition camp in person. However, after years of endeavor, Malaysian government finally approved the establishment of New Era College. With the rise of China as a regional political and economical power and the Chinese language possessing a practical value, Malaysian government is more open to the spread of this language. Even so, Dongjiaozong will continue to play a constructive role in promoting and defending Chinese education.