臺灣客家的形塑歷程──清代至戰後的追索

Exploring the Shaping Progress of Taiwan-Hakka: Since the Ching Dynasty

林正慧(Cheng-hui Lin)

指導教授 ： 黃富三

國立臺灣大學/文學院/歷史學研究所/博士(2013年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2013.00938

摘要

華南客家的形塑過程，有一個文化共性的形成時期，之後才有第二階段的客方言群意識覺醒期。約於宋元之際，閩粵贛邊區已形成有共同方言與地域文化的一群人，但當時並未被以「客」名之。
明清時期，閩粵贛邊區人口飽合，加上清初遷海復界之後，大量客方言人群向粵東沿海或珠江三角洲一帶流徙，在這些客方言人群外移的邊緣，由於客方言人群的流寓與耕佃身分，加上人數漸增，方音殊異，遂逐漸與當地以廣府方言為主的「本地人」關係緊張，進而在十九世紀以降，頻頻發生「土客衝突」，且在廣府人書寫的志書當中，多被指為「非漢」之種族。
發生於十九世紀初以後華南的土客衝突，以及當地土著屢屢以非漢污蔑客方言移民的情形，引起客方言士子加以關注，並以強調客方言人群乃中原衣冠舊族，方言亦為中原古音的方式為「客」（客方言人群）溯源。在此過程中，恰適西教東傳，於是以客方言地域為傳教重心的巴色會傳教士們也共同參與為「客」溯源的行列，就約在18世紀中葉，中文的「客家」與西文的Hakka有了指涉相同人群的意涵。
客方言士子與西方傳教士為「邊緣客域」的客方言人群溯源美名之後，為「客家」意識回流「中心客區」（嘉應州）舖好了溫床，到了光緒末年的《嘉應州志》，我們已可看出「中心客區」如何思索由文獻中找出「中心客區」為「客」名所出的各種可能，於是「客家」與宋元文獻中的「客戶」增盛說牽扯上關係，也於是之後許多的「客家」溯源，都免不了要在文獻中找「客」蹤。
「客家」意識回流「中心客區」之後，開始讓由「中心客區」向外離散的客家有了認同的媒介，清末民初客家人士積極參與城市活動與革命建國等行動，逐漸累積政經實力的同時，面對一次又一次的「非漢」污衊，更讓「客家」的意識與認同得以抬頭，也讓海內外客屬有了清楚的以方言認同的媒介。然而，就是由於華南的客家形塑，有這個一個由「邊緣客域」回「中心客區」再向外散播的軌跡，因此在軌跡之外的客方言人群，對「客家」的了解與接受則就可能有所不同，即如清代臺灣的客方言人群。
臺灣客家的形塑，與華南的客家形塑呈雙軌並行的狀況。且臺灣客家的形塑歷程，前面有很長一段時期並不稱為「客家」。就已有的文獻加以了解，清代臺灣漢人的認同模式，就廣東省嘉應州與福建省汀州府等純客住區的移民，以及福建省漳泉與廣東省潮州府等閩南方言移民而言，常採取跨省的方言認同；而漳州客方言與潮（州府）饒平縣、惠（州府）海豐、陸豐等縣移民，由於原籍地即處於客方言與閩南方言接觸地帶，來臺移民的方言與嘉應州等地移民的方音有別，加上清代臺灣「閩主粵客」的制度性框架，故多採取「省籍認同」，即漳州客方言人群多認同於閩籍，潮州府饒平縣或惠州府陸豐、海豐等縣客方言人群多認同於粵籍。
雖然清代文獻多以行政界線分類人群，但我們仍能從中文文獻的蛛絲馬跡，及十九世紀西人的記述資料中發現，早在康熙末年，下淡水地區的客方言人群已採取方言認同，自稱「客民」，之後臺灣民間社會逐漸形成「客人」與「福佬」以方言為界的分類樣態。民間社會以方言分別彼此，與雖官方以行政界線劃分人群不同，但卻實際且持續存在於臺灣的民間社會，且在清代的文獻中若隱若現，終於到了光緒末年修志時，出現了《新竹縣采訪冊》中的「客人（ke-lang=） 論述」。
乙未之役後，臺灣島民面臨了一個異族的統治者，這個殖民政府一開始就從西方知識體系中了解臺灣有一群說客方言的人為「哈喀」、「喀家」或「客家」，但之後基於對臺島舊慣的調查，及清代文獻的了解，殖民政府以原先認知的有種族意涵的「客家」，與清代的省籍界線疊合，將臺灣漢人分為廣東人與福建人，且各自對應一種方言，即客方言與閩南方言。此一分類，讓日治時期的人群認同清楚地以方言為界線。但也可能讓閩籍客方言人群與粵籍閩南方言人群面臨如何自我定位的難題。
因此，我們必須了解，1905年以來的臨時戶口調查或國勢調查，統計的數字顯現的是當時說客方言的人，而1926年的鄉貫調查的標的則是漢移民的原籍地，二種調查的標的不同，統計數字背後各有其特殊意涵，這是日後研究者在使用或解釋數字時，需要特別留意的部分。
日治臺灣的客方言人群就這樣從清代的粵人、客人，變成日治的粵族、廣東族。日治期間，臺灣的客方言人群可能會從各種不同管道了解華南有與自己同方言的人叫「客家」，但終日治，「客家」對臺灣的客方言人群而言，尚屬外來詞的概念。從一些日記或檔案資料，我們可以看出臺灣客人在戰後初期面臨了從「客人」到「客家」的轉折及適應過程。亦即戰後臺灣的客方言人群，不僅經歷了由「日本人」變成「中國人」，也同時由「廣東人」變成了「客家人」。亦即一直要到戰後，臺灣客方言人群方與中國華南客家採取同一識別標準，自稱為客家人，也開始嫁接起中原南遷的族群歷史。
由戰後本省外客家的相處情形來看，多少可以看出方言的認同力量，而初步歸納戰後省內外客家彼此能容易產生族群親親感的原因可能有三。其一是由於所屬方言是特殊，且在臺灣是居於少數的，使得彼此可以在較短的時間內拉近陌生的距離。其二，許多臺灣客家雖經歷次兩次改朝換代，卻仍保有對原鄉及原鄉宗族的認同觀念，這也是戰後省內外客家容易跨越長期隔離的時間作用，而輕易拉近彼此距離的因素之一。其三，由於客家在臺灣是相對的少數，自易接納省外的同方言群的成分，尤其，他們舉著客家是中原正統的旗幟而來。
戰後以來在臺灣進行的「中原客家」論述，以及外省客家與本省客家的互動，經數十年來，對臺灣及客家的研究皆造成深刻的影響。諸如造成客家誤解的層累堆積、中原客家文化質素的雜揉融合及客家族群處境的劣勢化與客語的隱形化等等。由於中原客家在戰後臺灣的宣揚，其實是鑲嵌在符合國家政策的脈絡底下，於是雖言是中原客家論述，重的是中原，是中國，而非客家，遑論臺灣。此一隱伏的矛盾，日後即成為臺灣客家人意識的發軔。

關鍵字

客家 ； 臺灣 ； 客人 ； 粵人 ； 土客衝突 ； 閩粵關係

並列摘要

The shaping progress of Hakka in Southern China could be divided into two stages, one is the period of the formation of common culture, the other is the period of awakening of Hakka consciousness. Nearly in the 13th century, a group of people who had the same dialect and culture gathered together in the border area of Fujian, Guangdong, and Jiangxi provinces, however; they didn’t be called “Hakka” at that time.
From the 14th to 18th century, there was excess population in the border area of Fujian, Guangdong, and Jiangxi, so the Qing government opened up coastal areas for people to live in. As a result, a great number of the people who spoke Hakka dialect moved to the east coastal areas of Guangdong or the Pearl River Delta. Consequently, they lived away from home and rented out others’ lands that they had conflicts gradually with the local residents, who spoke Standard Cantonese. From the 19th century, local residents-Hakka conflicts broke out frequently. Moreover, in the history written by the people who spoke Standard Cantonese, the immigrants who spoke Hakka dialect were described as “fei-han” (not the Han people).
The mentioned local residents-Hakka conflicts and discrimination caused the literati among the people who spoke Hakka dialect to be concerned about that and to trace back to the source of their history. Hakka elites vigorously asserted that their ancestors were from the Central Plain, the core birthplace of China’s civilization. They emphasized that their dialect was inherited from the ancient language of the Central Plain, too. At the same time, the western missionaries of Basel Missionaries were preaching in the area which the people who spoke Hakka dialect lived in, and they took part in the shaping progress. From then on, the missionaries started to call them “Hakka”.
The tracing back to the source of Hakka history for the east coastal areas of Guangdong encouraged the people who spoke Hakka and lived in Jiayingzhou (a prefecture of Guangdong) to take the same action. For example, in the chorography of Jiayingzhou written in the beginning of the 20th century, many written accounts of tracing back to the source of Hakka history were found. Thereafter, researchers could not trace back to the source of Hakka history without studying the historical records in advance.
The new ethnic concept of Hakka made Hakka people who spreaded in Southern China identify themselves. In the beginning of the 20th century, Hakka people actively joined the activities of the coastal cities and the building of Republic of China in 1912. Therefore, they gradually raised their status of politics and economics, as well as their strengthening ethnic concept. Although other ethnic groups continued discriminating them as “fei-han”, that reinforced their ethnic concept. Meanwhile, the Hakka people who lived in other areas started to identify themselves as an ethnic group by means of Hakka dialect. Yet, the shaping progresses of Hakka ethnic concept were different inside and outside the Southern China. The immigration of Hakka people to Taiwan in the Qing dynasty was an example.
The shaping progress of Hakka history carried on in parallel in Sothern China and in Taiwan. Initially, Taiwan Hakka immigrant didn’t claim to be “Hakka”. According to the relevant historical documents, among the Hans who immigrated to Taiwan in Qing dynasty, some people were identified themselves by means of dialects they spoke instead of the provinces they were born in. They were people from Jiayingzhou and Dingzhoufu (a prefecture of Fujian), where people only spoke Hakka dialect; people from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou (prefectures of Fujian) and Chaozhou (a prefecture of Guangdong), where people only spoke Minnan (southern Fujian province) dialect. However, some people were identified themselves by the provinces they were born in instead of dialects they spoke. They were people who spoke Hakka dialect from Zhangzhou, Raoping, Huizhou (prefectures of Guangdong). They identified themselves by the provinces they were born because of two reasons. First, people who spoke Hakka and Minnan dialect lived together in the mentioned places, so their Hakka accent was different from the one of the Hakka people from Jiayingzhou and Dingzhoufu. Second, Taiwan authority in Qing dynasty implemented many official systems which regarded the immigrants from Fujian as primary; the immigrants from Guangdong as secondary.
Taiwan historical documents of Qing dynasty commented that people in Taiwan were identified by provinces where one was born. Nevertheless, in other historical records in Chinese and western languages in the same period of time wrote down that people who spoke Hakka dialect claimed to be “ke-min” in southern Taiwan in the beginning of the 18th century. That indicated that people in Taiwan society at that time divided themselves into two ethnic groups, Hakka people and Holo people, according to dialects they spoke instead of the provinces where they were born, which is different from the view of the government. Until the beginning of the 20th century, the term “Ke-lang” appeared formally to identify Hakka people in the history of Hsinchu, which was revised by the government.
Qing government ceded Taiwan to Japan in Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, and Taiwan became a colonial rule. Japanese authority perceived that a group of people who spoke Hakka dialect and were called Hakka existed in Taiwan through reading the historical records in western languages. Later, the authority did the research on Taiwan tradition and historical records of Qing dynasty. At last, Japan regarded all the immigrants from Guangdong as people who spoke Hakka language, and all the immigrants from Fujian as people who spoke Minnan dialect. Thus, Taiwan people were forced to identify themselves by following the authority’s standard. Two kinds of people faced the problems to identify themselves. Some spoke Hakka dialect but were born in Fujian, the other people who spoke Minnan dialect but were born in Guangdong.
It was worth noting in two kinds of investigations conducted by the authority. One was the Hakka population investigation since 1905, and the other was the investigation in 1926 on provinces where Han people living in Taiwan were born. The objects in the investigations were different, and the results were different consequently. Researchers should pay attention to that.
During Taiwan’s colonial period, people who spoke Hakka dialect might learn from every channel that there was a group of people who spoke Hakka dialect in Southern China, and they were called Hakka. Yet, the term of “Hakka” was a loanword to them before the end of WWII when Taiwan returned to China in 1945. Through some diaries and historical records at that time, the people who spoke Hakka in Taiwan adapted themselves from the identity of Japanese to Chinese, and from the title of Cantonese to Hakka. That is to say, people who spoke Hakka dialect in Taiwan accepted the standard of Hakka in Southern China to identify themselves, to claim to be Hakka, to trace back to the source of their history, and to admit their ancestors who were from the ancient Central Plain. Taiwan-Hakka grafted Hakka history, which described that Hakka people started from the Central Plain and then immigrated to Southern China.
The Hakka people who emigrated from China to Taiwan after 1945 got along very well with the Hakka people who were born in Taiwan. There were three possible reasons. First, that Hakka dialect was special among all ethnic dialects made Hakka people draw close to each other. Second, many Hakka people who were born in Taiwan more or less approve of the ancestors’ hometown and relatives there in spite of their changing nationalities twice during the past ten years. Third, the Hakka people were minority of the population in Taiwan, thereupon they naturally accepted their siblings from other provinces--especially when their siblings proposed that Hakka people were from the Central Plain.
After 1945, the thesis that Hakka people were from the Central Plain and the intimate interaction between Taiwan-Hakka and Hakka people who moved to Taiwan from the continent after WWII brought about deep effect (e.g. misunderstanding of the term “Hakka”, diversity of Hakka culture, weak situation on politics of Hakka ethnic, and fading away of Hakka dialect) on the research on Taiwan and Hakka history during the past ten years. The point that Hakka people were from the Central Plain was proclaimed and emphasized in Taiwan in accordance with Taiwan government’s ethnic policy. As a result, the research on Hakka people’s history in Taiwan was neglected. This unbalanced hidden problem might provoke Taiwan-Hakka to strengthen their local identity.

並列關鍵字

Hakka ； Taiwan ； ke-lang ； Cantonese ； local residents-Hakka conflicts ； The Relation of Fujian and Guangdong

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